Iako imam par dana odmora i verovatno vremena da nesto napisem, nazalost nestade mi inspiracije :)
ali cisto da ne skrenem sa teme evo par tekstova koje sam nedavno procitala na temu...
Hmm, sta ja znam, zanimljivo je bilo procitati, mozda se sa nekim delovima slazem ali sa ostatkom ne bas...pre 20 godina moja mama je verovala da ce se stvari promeniti na bolje jednog dana, nazalost odrastajuci u tih 20 godina promena ja nisam tako naivna :)
suma sumarum ovo je ono sto ja vidim
"Između ostalog, zato što je iz moje generacije, i desetak generacija pre i posle mene, 4% ljudi otišlo iz zemlje. Ali ne bilo kojih 4%, nego iz onih 5% koji čine elitu. Znači 80% elite je otišlo. Onih 20% elitnih ljudi koji su ostali, zbog hrabrosti, kukavičluka, patriotizma, odanosti prema porodici ili gluposti, svejedno, koji sada čine samo 1% populacije koja je na vrhuncu svojih stvaralačkih moći, nemaju dovoljno sinergije, nemaju kritičnu masu da društvo menjaju na radikalniji način od onog koji trenutno gledamo."
"Po neki put pomislim, čoveče, sećam se ovog tipa sa faksa, on je bio jedva prosečan, nije on sposoban za takvu funkciju. Ali, izgleda da nema boljih."
"Ali probajte da plaćate porez Srbiji a ne Novom Zelandu."
dakle ono sto ja vidim kada citam ovaj tekst je: iako su skoro svi pametni pobegli, iako su budale na vlasti a vi pokusavate da zivite i radite na drugom kraju sveta jer niste imali nikakvog izbora ni snage da se izborite za svoja prava tamo, ipak treba da finansirate ovu papazjaniju, samo mi iz teksta i dalje nije jasno zasto :))))
U svakom slucaju tekst me je osvezavajuce zabavio ali s druge strane vidim u njemu opasno ispiranje mozga omladini koja veruje da moze da promeni nesto, mozda je tako i bolje, neki od njih ce biti dovoljno suludo samodestruktivni i uporni pa mozda i uspeju da promene nesto pre nego sto padnu pod tockove, kao onaj decko iz beograda kojeg je na kraju prebio vozac autobusa jer je belezio stvari koje treba promeniti ili popraviti...s druge strane neki ce se kao vecina onih napolju otrezniti na vreme i pokusati barem da promene ono sto mogu, svoj zivot i svoj put.Ako nista drugo barem dobijes jednu siru sliku sveta i drugaciju perspektivu, i par sansi da se ostvaris...
Ovaj tekst mi se dopao, zato sto je vecinu stvari iz njega moguce primeniti i na deo Kanade gde sam sada, u smislu geta o kom sam pisala i integracije putem dobrog znanja jezika i skolovanja...e da i etno hrane, nedavno smo bili u prodavnici Italo food u Kitcheneru, mislim da nema stvari iz evropskih prodavnica koju ne mogu pronaci ovde sto se hrane tice, sa kozmetikom i lekovima je vec druga prica...
vec sam spominjala da statisticari pomno prate emigraciju u cilju da pronadju zackoljice i otklone opste nezadovoljstvo mnogih emigranata, mada njihov prvi cilj je da je ucine mnogo mnogo efikasnijom :)
posle ovog zanimljivog clanka evo par statistika vezanih za emigraciju naravno
ukratko, odmah po dolasku u zemlju oko 1.5 % nije apsolutno bilo zadovoljno svojom situacijom, nakon dve godine boravka ta cifra se povecala na 2.9 %,
dalje je zanimljivo da kako kod zadovoljnih raste procenat srazmerno godinama tako se povecava donekle i procenat kod nezadovoljnih,
skoro 40% dosljaka je imalo prilicno realnu sliku o tome sta ih ceka, i nakon 3 godine boravka 85% bi se ponovo odlucilo da dodje a 13.5 % ne bi doslo u Kanadu.
Naseljavanje imigranata u urbanim sredinama:
The City of Toronto was home to the largest number of foreign-born people in 2006. However, most of the growth in the foreign-born population occurred in the municipalities surrounding the city.
For example, Brampton's foreign-born population increased by 59.5% during the past five years. In 2006, the foreign-born population comprised 47.8% of Brampton's total population of 431,600, up from 39.9% in 2001.
In Markham, the foreign-born population grew 34.1% between 2001 and 2006. In fact, in 2006, more than half (56.5%) of its 260,800 residents were born outside Canada.
Mississauga has the second-largest population among the municipalities that make up the Toronto CMA. In 2006, just over one-half (51.6%) of the total population of 665,700 residents were born outside Canada.
Ajax, Aurora and Vaughan also saw increases of more than 40% in the foreign-born population between 2001 and 2006. The foreign-born made up nearly half (44.9%) of the population in Vaughan in 2006. In Ajax, 30.7% were born outside of Canada, while in Aurora, 22.4% of the population was foreign-born.
Stat Canada:promene u izgledu emigracije, veliki broj skolovanih emigranata biva zaglavljen na lose placenim poslovima da bi preziveo
During the 1991 to 2006 period, the proportion of immigrants with a university degree in jobs with low educational requirements (such as clerks, truck drivers, salespersons, cashiers and taxi drivers) increased. For recent immigrants, the proportions varied between 22% and 28% for men and between 36% and 44% for women. For established male immigrants, the trend was quite pronounced, as their proportion rose from 12% to 21%, while their female counterparts posted a more modest advance, climbing from 24% to 29%. Those proportions contrasted sharply with the stable proportion for native-born Canadians, about 10% for both men and women.
The increases for established immigrants suggest that the difficulties, which have long plagued recent immigrants, are today affecting established immigrants, which also suggests that difficulties experienced by recent immigrants are not necessarily temporary.
To understand the deterioration, the profiles of the two groups of immigrants were examined. However, the changes found in the profile of established immigrants—particularly language and country of origin—accounted for only a quarter of the deterioration for established immigrants. Furthermore, their field of study, usually applied sciences, slowed the upward movement of their representation in jobs with low educational requirements. That protection effect has weakened recently, though, as job losses occurred in the information technology sector. These findings applied to both men and women. Thus, if the profile of male immigrants arriving between 1990 and 1994 had remained the same as the profile of male immigrants arriving between 1975 and 1979, the proportion in occupations with low educational requirements in 2006 would have been 18% rather than 21%. For women, the proportion would have been about 27% instead of 29%.
Among recent male immigrants, profile changes explained just a fifth of the increase, while for recent female immigrants, they accounted for virtually 100% of the increase.
Hence a large share of the increase seems to be attributable to factors other than demographic characteristics. The remaining portion might be due to factors such as language skills, non-recognition of credentials, schooling or foreign experience (Green and Worswick 2004, Picot and Sweetman 2005, Ferrer et al. 2004, and Aydemir and Skuterud 2004) and the quality of education for nationals of relatively young countries of origin (Sweetman 2004). Moreover, immigrants arriving between 1990 and 1994 entered the labour market during a particularly harsh recession or the subsequent recovery characterized by slow employment growth. Launching a career when unemployment rates are high can have longer-term effects on earnings (Oreopoulos et al. 2008). It is therefore possible that recessions also affected immigrants' chances of having a job with low educational requirements. The skills of well-educated immigrants could easily erode over time, which might play a role in preventing them from remedying their situation as the years go by. In addition, well-educated immigrants are more likely to leave Canada, especially during recessions (Aydemir and Robinson 2006). That might also explain the observed increase in established immigrants' propensity to be in jobs with low educational requirements.
The accreditation process for regulated occupations may also have an impact on recent immigrants' chances of finding a job commensurate with their educational attainment. In general, the rates for established immigrants (men and women) with a degree in a field of study leading to a regulated profession such as medicine, nursing, engineering, law or accounting but working in occupations with low educational requirements were comparable to those of native-born Canadians in 1991, but increased sharply thereafter. Medicine had the largest increase (despite persistent evidence of a doctor shortage), although engineering also saw appreciable increases, coinciding with the decline of the information technology sector in recent years.
In 2006, established immigrants still had an advantage over recent immigrants, as the proportion in jobs with low educational requirements was generally lower, but the proportions have been converging over time and the gap relative to native-born Canadians has widened.
Stat Canada: Zasto je losiji uspeh i integracija emigranata koji ostaju u velikim urbanim sredinama- odlomci
Recent immigrants have experienced more difficulty integrating into the labour market than previous cohorts in the 1970s and 1980s. Since the 1990s, immigrant cohorts have earned significantly less income during their first years in Canada than other Canadians, and earnings growth in subsequent years has not been sufficient to achieve income parity (Frenette and Morissette 2003).
The immigrant population has changed greatly over the last few decades, one of the most dramatic changes being country of origin. Immigrants are now increasingly coming more from Asia (China, India and the Philippines, in particular) than from European countries such as the United Kingdom and Italy or from the United States. As a result, the proportion of immigrants who speak a language other than English or French at home has increased sharply (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2005a).
At the same time, immigrants with university degrees are becoming more and more common. Of the immigrants who arrived between 1996 and 2001, more than one-third had a university degree, twice the proportion of native-born Canadians (CIC 2005a). Recent immigrants are also much more likely to be 'economic' immigrants, who qualified on the basis of admissibility criteria resulting from policies specifically intended to promote their entry into Canada. Because this should normally result in improved economic outcomes for immigrants, the deterioration observed over the last few years has caused serious concern (Picot, Hou and Coulombe 2007).
One trend, which has garnered considerable attention, is the increasing concentration of immigrants in Toronto and Vancouver. The proportion settling in those two cities rose from 43% for those immigrants admitted before 1986 to 61% for those admitted between 1996 and 2001 (CIC 2005a). Even though relatively few immigrants are choosing to settle outside the large urban centres, immigration is attracting a great deal of interest from smaller communities. These communities, especially in rural areas, often face declining populations, and immigration can represent a potential means of revitalizing their economies. A more balanced geographic distribution of immigration is generally acknowledged as being desirable (CIC 2001). Some specific policies have already been put in place to attract more immigrants to rural parts of the country.
This concentration of new immigrants settling in very large urban centres raises the question of the differences between large urban centres and the rest of the country: could economic integration difficulties simply reflect problems encountered in large urban centres?
Of course, every newcomer to the labour market, immigrant or otherwise, must overcome certain challenges, such as a lack of work experience, a mismatch between knowledge gained in school and industry requirements, and a lack of information on employment opportunities. However, immigrants face additional hurdles, including recognition of foreign qualifications, an even greater lack of information on labour market requirements and employment opportunities, and sometimes an incomplete ability to function in one of Canada's official languages. Discrimination may also also be an issue, since immigrants are increasingly likely to be members of visible minorities
For Canadians in general, living in a large metropolitan area means a higher income. Median incomes of Canadians in very large urban areas and large urban areas were $28,100 and $30,500, respectively, compared with $22,500 in small towns and rural areas (Chart B), a significant difference.
For immigrants, the pattern is reversed. Incomes of immigrants were lowest in very large urban areas (median $16,800) and highest in small urban areas (median $19,500), a difference of 16%. Incomes of immigrants in small towns and rural areas (median $18,800) were also significantly greater (by 12%) than those of immigrants in very large urban areas.
While immigrants have lower incomes in all types of areas, the gap narrows along the gradient from urban to rural. In very large urban areas, the median income gap is very large, at 67%. In small urban areas, the gap falls to 32%, while in small towns and rural areas the gap is only 20%.
Integration of immigrants in small, less urbanized areas is more rapid and that advantage increases over time. In very large urban areas, the initial income gap is 37%. It gradually decreases, but rather slowly. After four years, the gap is still 22%, falling below the 10-percent threshold in the twelfth year (Chart C). In contrast, in small urban areas, the initial gap is only 14%, and in the fourth year immigrants are earning 2% more than Canadians. The relative advantage of immigrants continues to increase over time, reaching a peak of 18% following the eleventh year.
In small towns and rural areas, the advantage of immigrants is even more pronounced. In their first year of permanent residence, their average income is 4% higher than that of Canadians. In the thirteenth year, the relative income advantage of immigrants rises to 19%.
Economic class immigrants have difficulty integrating in the major urban centres, regardless of their education, their ability in an official language or their country of origin. For almost every group of immigrant considered, parity had still not been achieved even after 13 years, the maximum observable with the data. In fact, only those with a university degree, ability in an official language and from a region other than Africa and Asia eventually manage to achieve parity—and even then, after seven years.
In contrast, in a small urban or rural area, these same immigrants generally manage to integrate quite rapidly, especially when they have a university degree upon establishment. In fact, every group of immigrants with a degree achieves parity within at most four years, and some achieve it within the first year. Nonetheless, in many cases economic integration is better in smaller regions even for immigrants with at most a high school diploma upon establishment.
For refugees, the contrast between the larger urban centres and the smaller urban and rural areas is even more striking. In the larger urban centres, none achieved parity within 13 years.
Nonetheless, some hypotheses merit consideration. The difficulty associated with the recognition of education obtained abroad is well known, and the lack of information about labour market requirements and job opportunities, and the sometimes imperfect ability in one of the official languages, are examples of factors that can slow the economic integration of immigrants.
With regard to education, the impact of university degrees earned abroad on relative incomes is greater in less urbanized regions. It is difficult to determine the extent to which this is because immigrants living in the smaller areas are better able to translate their education acquired abroad into income and/or because a smaller proportion of people with university degrees live in these areas. Based on the 2001 Census, the proportion of university graduates in the adult population aged 25 to 64 years is 30% in the largest urban centres (Montréal, Toronto and Vancouver) and 16% in the areas with fewer than 100,000 inhabitants. Among new immigrants, the differences according to education upon arrival are much less pronounced (Table 1). Immigrants with university degrees are particularly well represented in the small areas (Chart D), and having pursued postsecondary (not only university) studies abroad greatly improves the advantage of immigrants in the smaller areas. However, even less well-educated immigrants post better results in terms of economic integration in smaller urban areas and the smaller cities and rural areas.
The need for information about labour market requirements and job opportunities suggests that the creation of a network—formal or informal—with non-immigrants would likely be inevitable in smaller areas, precisely because of the smaller proportion of immigrants there. In return, this network may be critical to economic integration, even if the small proportion of immigrants may be a source of other kinds of disadvantages. This does not mean that immigrants living in smaller regions will not face the same difficulties inherent to the local labour market as any of their neighbours. Rather, they will be less likely to be at a disadvantage than immigrants in the major urban centres merely because they are immigrants.
Lack of ability in an official language is not as great a handicap outside the major centres. In the largest urban centres, none of the groups of immigrants without ability in an official language managed to achieve income parity after 13 years. In smaller cities and rural areas, several groups, in particular refugees, managed to achieve it. One could conclude that these immigrants are more likely to learn one of the official languages quickly if they live in an area with a high proportion of French- or English-speakers. This enables them to overcome this barrier more rapidly than in the larger urban centres.
To a large extent, the data also rule out at least one other possible hypothesis. Even though immigrants living in smaller cities and rural areas are more likely to come from Europe and the United States, this does not explain why they do better than immigrants in the major urban centres. The raw regressions suggest that in smaller cities and rural areas, the impact of country of origin on income advantage is very small, and does not necessarily favour immigrants from Europe, the United States or Oceania. Also, immigrants from the United States are the only ones to have integrated more rapidly from an economic standpoint in the larger urban centres. In other words, it is very likely that the discrepancies identified would be even larger if the distribution by country of origin in the smaller cities and rural areas were closer to that in the larger urban centres.
Naturally, several factors could affect immigrants' ability to integrate. These include, in particular, their formal or informal reception by government and community, any discrimination they may face, and their motivation to integrate into the labour market. None of these can me measured from the data.
The economic well-being of immigrants is critical for a country like Canada, which relies heavily on immigration for demographic growth. Where immigrants choose to settle appears to affect their economic integration. It is much faster outside the largest urban centres, which is where most of them settle. In contrast, the incomes of those who choose to settle outside these major centres are similar to those of other Canadians. This initial disadvantage of immigrants, when it exists, generally disappears after a few years.
In contrast, in the largest urban centres, immigrants face a large initial income disadvantage, and subsequent increases are not enough for them to achieve parity. Better economic integration of immigrants outside the largest urban centres is evident even after taking into consideration differences in terms of immigrants' education upon arrival, prior ability in an official language, admission class and country of origin.
These results put the large income differences between recent immigrants and other Canadians, identified in previous studies, into perspective. These differences appear, at least in large part, to result from a dynamic exclusive to the largest urban centres.
Immigrants living outside the largest urban centres can translate their credentials acquired abroad into a relative income advantage more easily. They are more likely to overcome their lack of ability in an official language, quickly learning English or French, enabling them to increase their ability to generate income faster.
Iz podataka Stat Canada imigranti se brze i lakse integrisu u manjim sredinama gde im je u proseku za to potrebno oko 4 godine, prosek za vece gradove i metropole je za mali broj onih koji uspeju 7 do 13 godina )integracija podrazumeva posao u struci ili full time pristojno placen posao ne survival jobs, platu u polju posla jednaku onima rodjenim u kanadi, i neku vrstu stambene obezbedjenosti, drugim recima istu situaciju kao vecina kanadskih gradjana)
Isuvise veliki broj imigranata ne uspeva da se ostvari u vecim urbanim sredinama prvenstveno zbog finansijske situacije i ogromne konkurencije.
Imigranti u manjim sredinama nemaju luksuz da zive u getu i primorani su da nauce jezik bolje jer moraju da ga koriste non stop.imigranti u manjim sredinama lakse stvaraju prijateljstva i mreze poznanstva jer su zajednice otvorenije, i samim tim imaju bolji pristup informacijama i poslovima.
itd itd koga zanima ceo tekst je ovde,